There are many different societal scientific theories about the of all time debated issue of the relationship between drugs and offense. The book highlights a few of the major societal scientific theoretical positions. Although there are many different statements as to the nature of the correlativity, the one thing that is certain is that there is a important relationship between drug usage and offense.
The first group of positions are from ethnographic and function theory analyses. They see the drug and offense relationship as being associated with subcultures more than straight causal of each other. Society would term these subculture behaviours as highly aberrant. This includes high frequences of drug usage, high offense rates, and bad sexual behaviour. These are viewed as an built-in portion of the social function of a typical street flat drug-user. This position argues that drug usage and offense are reciprocally reenforcing, non straight linear in cause.
Another position comes from the ecological theoretical analysis. It argues that the relationship between drugs and offense are because the two activities happen in similar environmental conditions. These conditions include deficiency of societal control, poorness, and economic chance. This position argues that offense is spuriously related to drug usage.
The concluding reading is the extremist theory. This position says that the relationship between drugs and offense is a production of governmental legal policy since 1914, which criminalized many drug utilizing behaviours. These theoreticians argue that the drug-crime relationship can be fought with the decriminalisation of drugs, every bit good as handling drug usage and dependences through societal aid plans.
It is impossible to nail the exact cause of the drug-crime relationship. But by utilizing several different theories, such as the old mentioned 1s, it is possible to get down to develop an thought of the root cause. It is of import to retrieve that one theory may non suit every individual state of affairs, but a group of good thought out theories can assist us better explicate the overall relationship of a peculiar job.
Chapter 1: Question 3
The Goldstein theoretical account is a model for the linkage between drugs and offense. It attempts to explicate the three different causes of force that is linked with drugs. These three different categorizations are ; the psychopharmacological account, the economic-compulsive account, and the systematic account. Drug usage is proven to be a major factor in offense in many instances. The bulk of captives in the United States are at that place because of drugs, whether that be selling or utilizing. The Goldstein theoretical account gets down to the bare lower limit of how drugs affect violent offense.
The first categorization is the psychopharmacological force. In this group, the force that is committed happens because of the direct effects of a psychotropic drug on a user. This is non motivated by anything except for the compulsive effects of the drug. Drugs cause the organic structure to move otherwise than normal. Some drugs cause the organic structure to go laid-back and unagitated, while others cause the organic structure to flog out in tantrums of fury. The bulk of people view psychopharmacological force as chiefly due to alcohol instead than any other drugs.
The following categorization for the drug-crime connexion is the economic-compulsive force. This happens when wrongdoers commit an discourtesy for the intent of raising money to back up their drug wont. Studies show that this categorization is particularly true for diacetylmorphine nuts, but that it can be prevalent in other drugs as good. One of the major economic offenses committed for these drug nuts is drug covering. Drug dealing is an easy manner for the nuts to do adequate money to back up their wont, and at the same clip they can maintain some of the drugs for themselves.
The concluding categorization is the systematic force. This force happens in the class of battles for market power. These drug markets have a high leaning for force, whether that be from other traders ( turf war ) or the purchasers. A more in depth position of the force in drug markets reveals that there are four factors that contribute to the force. These are: the young person of the participants ( young persons are of course more violent ) , the value of the drugs themselves ( killing the purchaser allows you to maintain their money and still hold your drugs ) , the strength of jurisprudence enforcement ( possible constabulary sources ) , and the indirect effect of drug usage ( drug users are inclined to more force due to the drug usage ) .
Chapter 2: Question 3
Harmonizing to Andrew Golub and Bruce D. Johnson there are four stages of epidemics. They argue that drug epidemics normally will follow predictable stairss. Their theoretical account was originally used to analyze the Crack Epidemic, but has gone on to be used to analyze the Heroin Injection Epidemic and the Marijuana Epidemic every bit good. The four stairss are: the incubation stage, the enlargement stage, the tableland stage, and the diminution stage.
The incubation stage is based on the thought that drug epidemics normally grow out of an single societal context ( diacetylmorphine from the wind epoch and cleft from inner-city drug traders ) . During this incubation stage, the new drug pattern is developed and perfected among a little group of big drug users. Research suggests that the new captivation with marihuana was because of the youth inner-city hip-hop motion. They praised marihuana usage in vocals, vesture, and other locales.
The following stage is the enlargement stage. In this stage, the drug usage spreads quickly among subcultures. These subcultures are normally freshly emerging who embrace the new drug usage as hip and “ their thing ” . In the cleft and diacetylmorphine epidemics, this enlargement stage took topographic point among grownups. Merely after it spread through the grownups was it embraced by young person. In contrast, the marihuana epidemic was first spread among young person.
Following is the plateau stage of the drug epidemic. This phase is defined by young persons going grownups and desiring to acquire involved with the widespread drug of pick, presently that is marijuana. The rate of usage of the drug of pick would be at high degrees. The rate would be stable at this high rate and even easy increasing.
The concluding stage is the diminution stage. This is merely how it sounds. The rate of usage for the specific drug would be worsening overall, even quickly worsening. These four stages give an lineation for the life of a drug epidemic. It is non needfully a regulation, but a general guideline for these epidemics.
Chapter 2: Question 4
The gateway theory is a popular theory of drug dependence. It is widely accepted as true in many circles. It is based on the fact that a batch of research has shown that many American young persons, who are involved in substance usage and maltreatment, normally have a patterned advance to their substance maltreatment. This patterned advance of substance usage involves four phases: the nonuse phase, alcohol/tobacco phase, marijuana phase, and eventually harder drugs such as cocaine and diacetylmorphine. The research shows that young persons who do non utilize certain substances in one phase, seldom use the harder drugs in the ulterior phases. However it does non state that every individual user at one phase will needfully come on to the following. This theory has produced the label of “ gateway drugs ” for substances such as intoxicant, marihuana, and even baccy. Current policies seek to forestall, or at least hold every bit long as possible, the young person from utilizing gateway drugs. This is in hopes that if young person do non utilize gateway drugs, they wo n’t travel on to harder, more serious, drugs.
This theory is non needfully a strong theory. There have been several surveies proposing that this gateway patterned advance may non be really relevant to mainstream young person of today or to inner-city populations. A survey from the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse found that young persons “ coming of age ” during the 1990 ‘s were extremely improbable to come on from the gateway drug, marihuana, to cocaine ( pulverization and cleft ) or diacetylmorphine. This was compared to young persons born antecedently in decennaries before. This leads research workers to believe that substance maltreatment among youth reflects cultural, or even subcultural, norms among the young person. It suggests that substance maltreatment is acceptable or unacceptable among youth civilizations, and that this cultural norm will reflect substance maltreatment. These cultural norms vary over clip and locations every bit good.
This theory has some credibleness, but it is of import to recognize that theories may be strong one twelvemonth, but may be weakened by cultural influences the following. Cultures advancement and alteration over clip, so it is impossible to presume that tendencies and forms will non alter every bit good.
Chapter 3: Question 2
Harmonizing to Lisa Maher and Kathleen Daly, the basic construction of New York City cleft markets is an organized system of distribution. This is in contrast to the normally characterized unregulated markets of single cleft traders seeking to acquire rich by themselves as “ cleft enterpriser ” . The research suggests that every bit shortly as there is a high adequate demand for the cleft, the single free-lances are taken over by a more organized system for distribution. This is evidenced by the cleft epidemic in New York City during the late 1980 ‘s. During that clip many of the vicinities had extremely organized street-level drug markets. These markets were dependent on each other and they had a hierarchal construction of organisation.
The organisational construction is much like that of the Mafia, a extremely organized street pack, or a Fortune-500 concern. The drug concern “ proprietors ” had many different “ crew foremans ” and “ directors ” or “ lieutenants ” . These “ directors ” were in charge of relaying orders from the “ proprietors ” to the street-level employees. They had the duty to form and present all the necessary supplies and besides for roll uping the money made by the street-level workers. These directors could engage, fire, and pay the workers as they saw tantrum. They besides handled jobs the lower degree employees had with each other or even the upper direction.
The following degree down in the organisational construction, after the “ directors ” , “ crew foremans ” , or “ lieutenants ” ; was the street-level drug traders. These traders had a specific country that they were in charge of selling to. The traders were assisted in any manner needed by the lower-level members ; such as the “ smugglers ” , “ look-outs ” , and “ hatchet mans ” . The “ smugglers ” are responsible for holding a uninterrupted supply traveling to the traders. The “ look-outs ” were in charge of warning the trader of subjective menaces ( i.e. bulls ) . And the “ hatchet mans ” were in charge of keeping order, whether by force or presence.
This system of drug dealing was highly organized and sophisticated. It made it a serious job for jurisprudence enforcement functionaries to contend the already impossible “ war on drugs ” . This system made it possible for the drug “ companies ” to run swimmingly and expeditiously.
Chapter 4: Question 3
In the article “ Street Youth and Criminal Violence ” Stephen W. Baron and Timothy F. Hartnagel offer three possible theories that explain youth force. It is of import to understand different possible accounts of young person force because the condemnable justness system needs to cognize the root cause in order to develop bar schemes. The theories are the street subculture and lifestyle theory, the economic want theory, and the everyday activities theory.
The street subculture and lifestyle theory is a popular account for force among young persons. It says that equal groups and function theoretical accounts glorify violent behaviour instead than eschewing it. The highest rates of force are located in vicinities where violent function theoretical accounts are everyplace, such as inner-city vicinities with high rates of pack force. This position argues that condemnable Acts of the Apostless are about indispensable to the civilizations and subcultures of the street, which easy make force more and more acceptable in young persons.
The economic want theory argues that violent behaviour is rooted in inequality, uneven distribution of wealth, and the want of the “ have-nots ” compared to the “ rich persons ” . The grade of inequality is all a affair of perceptual experience by the person. If the person has a negative position of others compared to himself, this will make feelings of bitterness and resentment. These feelings can be manifested in looks of force and offense.
The everyday activities theory suggests that merely showing person with the chance to perpetrate offense can take to increase in offense, wholly dependent of societal or structural conditions. This position says that violent street offense is simply a merchandise opportunities that are presented to persons in the day-to-day life on the street.
These positions differ because they each attribute the root cause of offense to different factors. In the street subculture theory, the offense is attributed to cultural norms, function theoretical accounts, and peer influence. In the economic want theory, offense is attributed to fiscal sadness. In the everyday activities theory, offense is attributed to the handiness to perpetrate the offense. All three of these positions likely are largely truth, so it is wise to look at all three of them from a wide encompassing position.
Chapter 4: Question 1
There are many aetiologic factors that predict immature grownup drug usage and delinquency. These factors are non 100 % accurate all of the clip, but they serve as a agency to assist direct bar and sensing attempts. The causal factors are concluded from study informations taken of young person in high school. There are some obvious causal factors to youth delinquency and drug usage and some non so obvious 1s. There is a gender spread that is noticeable in this information every bit good.
In the information, one of the obvious consequences was that a significantly smaller proportion of young person had committed a delinquent act in the 12 months prior to the study than compared to their life-times. It besides found that adult females were less likely to acquire involved in delinquent activities ab initio, but that after they were involved they were merely every bit likely as work forces to stay relentless in delinquent Acts of the Apostless. Another interesting determination was that about 50 % of the persons who admitted to perpetrating an discourtesy in their life-time besides did so in the old 12 months taking up to the interview. One consistent determination was the continuity of engagement in delinquent Acts of the Apostless. If an person committed an act one time, they were much more likely to perpetrate more delinquent Acts of the Apostless in the hereafter.
The tendency of perpetrating delinquent Acts of the Apostless differs from the tendency of engagement in illegal drugs among young person. For illustration, relentless usage of illegal drugs is much more likely than relentless committee of delinquent Acts of the Apostless. Besides, the proportion of continual illegal drug users is much lower for adult females than for work forces. Womans are besides much less likely to go ab initio involved and so to stay relentless users of illegal drugs than work forces.
The disparity between work forces and adult females has ever been big when it comes to offense. This can be due to a figure of grounds. The first possible account for the disparity could be that the Criminal Justice System is more indulgent on adult females than on work forces. Another possible, and statistically proven, account is that work forces are merely proportionally over involved in offense compared to adult females. Whatever the ground, we know for certain that adult females are less likely to be involved in offense and illegal drugs.
Chapter 5: Question 1
An interesting phenomenon has developed over the past 20 to thirty old ages in the Criminal Justice System. The prison population has more than tripled since the 1980 ‘s, while the offense rate has gone down drastically. It has particularly dropped significantly since the early 1990 ‘s, yet the figure of captives has steadily grown. There are a few different accounts for this apparently out of control tendency. Lana D. Harrison offers a good researched account of this phenomenon. She suggests that this wild rise in prison Numberss can be attributed to policy alterations and the war on drugs.
In the early 2000 ‘s, over 2 million people were imprisoned in the United States. This is more than three times the figure of captives that the United States had in the 1980 ‘s. Harrison argues that the bulk of these drug captives were incarcerated in the 1980 ‘s at the beginning of the war on drugs. By 1996, 60 % of the federal captives were imprisoned for drug discourtesies, 23 % of province captives, and 22 % of gaol captives.
The altering condemnable justness procedure and new policies have contributed to this rise, including compulsory minimal sentences and the three-strikes Torahs. In the 1980 ‘s, the moral drug terrors caused lawgivers to go through highly rigorous drug Torahs. This in bend caused the dramatic addition in the Numberss of drug captives across the board at all degrees.
Drug users who were incarcerated because of these stricter punishments went into prison addicted to drugs, and many times they besides left prison addicted to drugs. These drug addicts returning to the communities returned no better than when they had gone to prison, still the same individual, merely older. Since these drug nuts had been to prison beforehand, they were much more likely to be convicted once more for offenses they committed. This is a self perpetuating rhythm which may be another account to the lifting prison population.
The lifting prison population coupled with the diminishing offense rate is a much studied phenomenon in the condemnable justness universe. Harrison offers the account that it is due to the altering policies and the alterations that took topographic point in the condemnable justness system itself. The war on drugs had far making effects that caused a major cleft down on drugs of all sorts, from the lowest of users to the most organized trusts.
Chapter 5: Question 3
Douglas Longshore and his co-workers pose five different dimensions of the conceptual model of drug tribunals. These dimensions include purchase, population badness, plan strength, predictability, and rehabilitation accent. Longshore suggests that the first two dimensions ( purchase and population badness ) of drug tribunals are structural features. He says that the concluding three dimensions ( plan strength, predictability, and rehabilitation accent ) are features of the procedure, which describe what occurs while wrongdoers are processed through the drug tribunals.
Leverage refers to the earnestness of punishments that wrongdoers face who do non run into the demands of plans and are dismissed from drug tribunals. When the participant completes all of the plan demands, the charge is reduced and even sometimes dropped wholly. If the wrongdoer fails to finish the plan, he or she may be sentenced and perchance incarcerated. Longshore suggests that the results will be better when drug tribunals have more purchase ( whether that be existent or merely perceived ) over the participants. The following structural feature is population badness, which refers to the difference in drug tribunals which are established to manage serious wrongdoers as opposed to minor wrongdoers, or the other manner around. Other indexs of badness may include age, gender, or even employment history. Longshore says that tribunals set up to manage the more serious wrongdoers will hold less favourable results. He does state nevertheless that there might be other less obvious dimensions that impact population badness every bit good.
Program strength refers to the demands set out by the tribunal for the completion of the drug tribunal. These include urine trials, looking in tribunal, drug maltreatment categories and intervention. Optional demands may be imposed every bit good such as employment, suited life quarters, instruction, and paying mulcts. The following procedure feature is predictability, which refers to how the participant thinks the tribunal will react to their conformity or disobedience. Predictability indexs may be drawn from tribunal statistics and records. The concluding feature is rehabilitation accent. This is of import when sing the condemnable justness system as rehabilitative alternatively of penalty focused. Rehabilitation is the focal point of most drug tribunals. This accent can include how frequently the justice negotiations straight to and listens to the participant, clip spent with the participant by all parties involved, and how near the participants sit in relationship to the bench. Longshore suggests that results are better when drug tribunals are emphasized more on rehabilitation.
Chapter 6: Question 1
Harm decrease is a end for some policies and plans refering drug maltreatment and other condemnable issues. It is non a plan in and of itself, but merely a end of the plans. The two conflicting ends that divide people ‘s sentiments are harm decrease and prohibition ( demand and provide decrease ) . While prohibition seeks to wholly make off with the illegal activity ( intoxicant, drugs, harlotry, etc. ) , harm decrease seeks to do those activities safer for the people who choose to take part in them. Harm decrease is seen by some people as the lesser of two immoralities. Peter Reuter and Robert J. MacCoun discuss the effort at injury decrease with illegal drugs.
Peoples who hold the injury decrease point of position believe that it is more good to cut down the injury done by illegal drugs than to seek and make off with them wholly. The belief is that people will ever be harming their organic structures with drugs. The thought of harm decrease accepts this fact that people will ever make drugs, and therefore attempts to do it safer for the people who choose to make so. This is a controversial policy, but may hold more virtue than it seems to hold at face value.
For illustration, in some states public wellness services provide prescriptions for diacetylmorphine users to obtain heroin lawfully. In some topographic points, there are designated locations where diacetylmorphine nuts can obtain and utilize diacetylmorphine in a controlled and safe environment. Another illustration of injury decrease is needle exchange plans. These plans allow diacetylmorphine nuts to interchange soiled acerate leafs for clean 1s. This is in hopes of cut downing the spreading of diseases, such as HIV and Hepatitis C, from one user to another.
Advocates of harm decrease policies argue that it is much cheaper to supply these drug services to every individual nut than to incarcerate the nut. They besides say that by supplying the drugs for the nuts, they cut down offense that the nut would necessitate to perpetrate in order to buy the drugs for themselves. Oppositions of injury decrease policies argue that doing it safer ( and therefore easier ) for nuts to utilize drugs will do an addition in drug usage.
Chapter 6: Question 6
Harmonizing to Philippe Bourgeois there are many different regional fluctuations in utilizing dolophine hydrochloride as intervention. Methadone is a drug that is used to handle opiate ( such as morphia or diacetylmorphine ) addicts. The nuts are given the dolophine hydrochloride in little doses to assist cut down backdown symptoms, and in big doses to barricade the “ high ” that opiates give the user. This method of intervention is non accepted 100 % in the United States.
For illustration, in eight provinces dolophine hydrochloride is illegal to utilize in the intervention of opiate nuts. Even in the remainder of the provinces where it is legal, there are still many divergent sentiments about the intervention. Bourgeois argues that this difference in sentiments depends on the focal point of medical and condemnable justness constitutions in an country, the sum of street nuts in an country, and the overall civilization and political relations of the part. Along the Eastern Seaboard of the United States, the overpowering cultural position is that substance maltreatment is a biological disease that requires medical intercession. Methadone intervention is reasonably easy to obtain in these countries. It is besides a multi-million dollar industry ( for both intervention and research ) and has tonss of locations throughout the part. Many of these dolophine hydrochloride clinics and research installations are paid for by the authorities.
San Francisco is in blunt contrast to the Eastern Seaboard. This metropolis is dominated by a more New Age type thought. This civilization honors a healthy and drug free individual. Some people ( confederacy theoreticians ) even argue that dolophine hydrochloride intervention is genocide against colored people. Because of these point of views held by a bulk of the civilization, dolophine hydrochloride clinics are few and far between. The few clinics that are in this part hold really rigorous entryway demands to be admitted into their plans. Some of the installations require cogent evidence ( from medical, constabulary, or other record ) that the user has been addicted for over a twelvemonth with old failed detox efforts. They fear that some people who truly are n’t addicted to opiates will mouse their manner into the plan, and consequentially go dolophine hydrochloride nuts.
Chapter 7: Question 7
Harmonizing to Lise-Marie VanNostrand and Richard Tewksbury, persons desire to run illegal drug endeavors for three grounds. They discovered these three motivations by questioning 20 traders who were in drug tribunal plan. The three grounds are fiscal demand, greed, and add-on to the life style. Most of the drug traders interviewed in this survey began their dealing calling with a individual one of these motivations, but easy over clip the three motivations began to catch them.
Financial demand is a really actuating demand. This is what motivated some of the persons to get down their life of covering drugs. Many people feel like they have no other option to supply for their duties than drug dealing. Some of the people interviewed said that they had a occupation, but that it merely was n’t able to pay for all of their demands and so they began covering drugs. The bulk of people who said that fiscal demand was their motive to cover drugs had childs and a household to take attention of. These persons saw drug covering as the fastest and sometimes the lone manner to supply their household ‘s demands.
Greed is besides a strong motive in some people. These people do non needfully necessitate more money to take attention of their demands, but they crave more money to take attention of luxuries. Many of the traders in the survey conducted said that drug covering appealed to them because of the chance to do fast and easy money. They frequently had legitimate employment or even ran concerns, but the desire for money overtook them and led them down a route to drug covering. These persons normally did non necessitate to keep normal occupations for the money, but they maintained normal occupations as a forepart or sometimes merely to hold something to fall back on.
An dependence to the drug covering life style is a alone motive. Some traders merely want to populate a fast paced life style or have popularity and power. These desires apparently can non be filled by legitimate occupations. Many of these persons believe that they can non accomplish acknowledgment or regard due to their sensed deficiency of accomplishments or respectable properties, and so they turn to covering drugs as a agency to gain that regard. After they begin their drug merchandising callings, they begin to hold a self perceptual experience that everyone respects and admires them. This, coupled with the huge fiscal additions, is a self perpetuating rhythm that leads them farther and farther into a life of drug dealing.